Obviously there’s a lot to discuss about the 2024 election results. I’ll offer just the following.
None of this is about the merits of either candidate; it’s about the broad dynamics that shaped the outcome. You don’t have to like those dynamics any more than you like any other aspect of reality. But as the saying goes, denial has no survival value, so it’s best to try to be accurate and unsentimental in our understanding of events.
I think it was a terrible mistake for Harris to fuse her campaign with the Cheneys, other neocons, and various state security apparatchiks. But I also think the prevailing Democratic take on this fusion—some version of “Harris’s campaign is a big tent, the fusion demonstrates even Republican loathing of Trump, etc”—is missing a far more important dynamic that has to do with the dramatically diminished influence of establishment institutions.
Whatever you might think about Trump, he is fundamentally a people-powered candidate. He won two bruising Republican primaries and survived everything the former GOP establishment and the Democratic establishment could throw at him—Russiagate, two impeachments, numerous lawsuits, attempts at ballot removal, a never-ending media blitz, and more. He swings Republican primaries with endorsements, even with tweets. He fills stadiums with enthusiastic audiences. What Trump did in 2016 was functionally a hostile takeover of the GOP, and he has dominated the GOP ever since. We can quibble over these observations, but I think they are broadly accurate.
By contrast, I don’t think Harris can be fairly described as a people-powered candidate. She had to drop out of the 2020 primaries before the first contest—a contest the Democratic establishment engineered to produce a Biden victory (the closest comparison to Trump on the Democratic side was Sanders, who the Democratic establishment twice managed to thwart). That same Democratic establishment and its media allies gaslighted the country for four years about how Biden was “sharp as a tack” and how “age is a superpower” and all that—right up until Biden failed to uphold his end of the bargain and undeniably revealed his condition in the July 2024 presidential debate. At that point, the Democratic establishment swapped him out for Harris.
Again, we can quibble about the foregoing, but my main point is that relatively speaking, Trump’s position derives from bottom-up voter enthusiasm, while relatively speaking, Harris’s position derived from top-down party dictates.
To counter Trump’s relatively people-powered position, Harris relentlessly sought (and received) establishment backing (various Harris supporters also pleaded for a George Bush Jr. endorsement, but Bush endorsed no one). It was less that she needed Republican support; the real need was to bolster her base, which was the establishment (ironically her merger with elements of the Republican establishment seems to have translated into no additional support from Republican voters).
So if there’s a lesson to be learned from this election, it isn’t—or isn’t just—that Democrats don’t benefit from merging with Republicans. It’s more that seeking additional support from an increasingly infirm establishment—political, bureaucratic, media, celebrity, whatever—is a losing proposition.
The foregoing tracks with something I’ve long observed about the humans: they have more trouble changing the frequency than they do the volume. That is, when a tactic isn’t working, humans tend to do it harder rather than changing to a different tactic. To use just one example from the election context, when the media’s eight-year-and-running efforts to brand Trump a fascist proved a failure, did they try a different tactic? Or did they just screech “Fascist!” even louder?
(In fairness, the Harris campaign did briefly experiment with what I guess was a different messaging tactic—“Republicans are weird.” That was such a dud, and so inherently contradictory of the previous messaging, that they immediately reverted to the familiar and comfortable “Fascist!” theme. Please note that this isn’t an argument about whether or not Trump is a fascist. It’s an argument that for eight years, the messaging has proven fruitless, and yet Democrats stayed with it, but louder.)
Worse, when the music you’re playing is unappealing to your audience, playing it louder not only won’t solve the problem—it will irritate the people you’re trying to please. That Harris outspent Trump three-to-one would be an example of playing the music louder when the right move was to change the station.
Combine: (1) the human tendency to blame the volume rather than the frequency, with (2) the human tendency to avoid responsibility, and with (3) the human tendency to focus on power within an institution rather than the power of the institution (The Iron Law of Institutions), and even after 2016 and 2024, it’s difficult to see how the claws of the Clintons, the Obamas, the Pelosis, the Clooneys, the Schumers, and whoever else selected Biden and then swapped him out for Harris can be removed from the levers of influence.
One more lesson here: it seems bruising primaries produce strong general election candidates—Obama in 2008; Trump in 2016 and 2024. Managed affairs seem to produce weak candidates: Clinton in 2016; Harris in 2024 (I think Biden won in 2020 largely because of Covid, but unfortunately the panjandrums who installed him think he prevailed because of their wisdom, not despite).
Obviously there’s a ton more to be said on the topic of establishment decline, enough to fill a book:
Luckily someone’s already done that, and I recommend Martin Gurri’s The Revolt of the Public for more insight into the causes and consequences of western establishment decrepitude, which in my opinion was foundational to the Democrats’ election-day catastrophe: a catastrophe in how Harris was chosen; in how and with whom she campaigned, and in the kind of messaging her media allies thought voters would find motivating, but that seems to have produced the opposite motivation of the one intended.
I've read all your books up to... maybe the last one. I've always thought you are a smart and savvy guy. But the tilt to where the plutocrats wanted it to go... damn I would have never guessed. You have nothing more to teach me.
ReplyDeleteHi Nereus, thanks for reading the books. I'm not sure what you're referring to about the tilt to plutocrats. I try hard to carefully think things through and to present them as clearly and accurately as I can. And though nonetheless I'm not sure what I have to teach anyone, if you've ever learned anything useful from me, I'm glad for it. Thanks again.
ReplyDeleteI can find nothing substantive to argue against here. I think there's some stuff to add about the consequences of failed attacks, and some territory to explore on how organizations become that visibly out of touch, but everything here is just spot on.
ReplyDeleteMy mom had expressed to me a pretty common reaction to this election on Wednesday:
ReplyDelete“I thought our country was better than this.”
This was what I sent back based on what I’ve observed from a lot of people voting Trump for the first time:
“IMO, this was not a win for Trump. It was a repudiation of the leaders of the Democratic Party saying that the first amendment is a problem. It was a repudiation against the left weaponizing the justice department against their political enemies, all the while, saying with a straight face, that is what trump will do. It’s a repudiation of a party too afraid to criticize the dangers of pro-Palestinian activists on campuses hunting down Jewish students and throwing support to terrorist organizations. It was a repudiation of the machine behind a hollow candidate that never primaried—that almost never agreed to interviews(and did horrible those few times she did). It’s a rejection of the marriage between big corporations, the legacy media, tech platforms, and intelligence agencies suppressing information and shaping the narrative. I can’t stand Trump. I can’t stand what we allowed to happen in this country in the name of opposing him either.
The answer is not that the country is more racist and misogynistic and more transphobic than we thought. It’s that the people worrying about what I said in the above paragraph are sick of being accused of being what I said in this one.”
There are obviously a lot of other data points that are equally valid, criticism of the unitary amongst them. But the points above are what I heard from a lot of educated people who held their nose and voted Trump.
Thank you for taking the time, Barry. Yours seems a lesson of responsibility and accountability for what happened to the Democratic party, largely because of the Democratic party's campaign narrative in the recent election.
ReplyDeleteMost of my left-leaning friends are gravitating towards the low hanging fruit: Racism and misogyny among the populous caused Trump to be elected. They direct very little responsibility for the results of the election towards what was clearly a flawed and ill-planned campaign. They believe Trump's supporters blindly followed their fascist leader's anthem, as did Germans as Hitler consolidated power.
There are problems with that perspective. Most glaring is the fact that embracing victimhood insinuates one's inability to do much about it. Being a victim and being powerless are unfortunate bedfellows.
Better to look at what happened, accept responsibility, and make strategic changes to effect a different outcome. It's the difference between "I got fucked", and "I fucked up". Unless I'm mistaken, that is the point of your essay, and I agree.